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The
Berhampur Conference
THE
Conference which meets at Berhampur tomorrow is the most important that has been
yet held in Bengal, for its deliberations are fraught with issues of supreme
importance to the future of the country. A heavy responsibility rests upon the
delegates who have been sent to Berhampur from all parts of Bengal. For this is
the first Provincial Conference after the historic twenty-second session of the
Congress at Calcutta. At that session the policy of self-development and
self-help was incorporated as an integral part of the political programme by the
representatives of the whole nation, the policy of passive resistance was
declared legitimate under circumstances which cover the whole of India, and it
was decided that a constitution or working organisation should be created for
the promotion throughout the year of the programme fixed by the Congress for the
whole nation and by the Provinces for themselves. It rests upon the Berhampur
Conference to see that proper provision is made for this executive work. We
expect the delegates to realise the seriousness of the task that has been put in
their hands and to appoint a Provincial Council which will command the
confidence of the whole of Bengal and prove by its very composition that an
earnest attempt will be made to harmonise all parties in working out so much of
the national programme as has been assented to by all. Swadeshi, Boycott,
National Education — these are the three planks upon which all can take their
stand. We do not disguise from ourselves the fact that on the last two of these
questions there are very serious differences of opinion between the two schools
now dividing public opinion. In the matter of Boycott, the difference has been
one of greater or less thoroughness in practice and of the ultimate goal; but
the necessity of Boycott has been recognised by all and there is no reason why
any section should refuse to take part in the measures by which it can be made
effective. National Education is regarded by one school
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as
an educational experiment to be carried on side by side with Government
education,
—
by the other as a great national cause, the
progress of which is to culminate in a truly national system replacing or
absorbing the Government schools and colleges. Nevertheless, the spread of the
movement has been recognised as desirable by all and there is therefore no
reason why measures with that view should not be concerted with general
approval. We trust therefore that the delegates at Berhampur will give a mandate
to the newly-formed council to organise Swadeshi and Boycott in a practical
manner and devise means by which they can be rendered stringent and effective
and to see that national schools be established in every district and national
support be given to the Council of Education. If they fail to do this, they will
have done considerably less than their duty.
But the duty of the delegates does not begin and end with arranging for
the execution of the national programme as laid down by the Congress. The
Congress deals only with accomplished facts. It set its seal of sanction on
National Education and Swadeshi and legitimised the Boycott for all India in
recognition of work which had already been commenced in Bengal. But there are
other fields in which self-development and self-help are urgently necessary; and
it remains for each province to initiate action in each of them successively
according to its own circumstances and under the pressure of its own needs. Both
the policy of self-help and the Boycott policy have taken shape as a national
policy in Bengal as a result of the exceptional trend of
events in our province. They are now travelling all over India. Swadeshi has
been universally recognised, Boycott is a fact in Maharashtra as well as in
Bengal, and is now being publicly advocated in the North and in Madras. But
Bengal cannot pause till the rest of India comes up with her, — she must still
lead the way even if it be many miles in front. The very initiative she has
taken will inevitably sweep her on, whether she wills it or not; for that
exceptional trend of events which has carried her along is nothing but the
impulsion of a Divine Hand which is shaping through her the way of salvation for
all India. That impulsion is not likely to cease; it is already pointing us to
fresh departures. Since the Congress met, three new necessities have
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presented
themselves for Bengal, — the necessity of National Arbitration Courts, the
necessity of Organised Self-protection and the necessity of Prevention of Famine
by self-help. The second of these is the one which we should, in our opinion,
take immediately in hand; for it is likely to be urgently needed in the near
future and in its absence the national movement will remain deficient in the
first element of strength and its defencelessness will perpetually invite
attack. If we are to proceed with the work of the nation in peace, we must
immediately turn our attention to organising self-protection all over Bengal.
The immediate need of the prevention of famine may be met by the suspension of
grain-export of which the Bangabasi has made itself the champion; but
this policy will have to be supplemented and regulated by permanent measures of
a far-reaching kind. At present a Resolution approving of export suspension as a
temporary measure urgently needed, ought to be sufficient. We do not suppose we
need apprehend much difference of opinion on this head. The anti-national
superstition of free trade ought to have perished out of Bengal by this time;
for a subject nation self-preservation must be the first and dominating
principle of its political economy. Neither should there be any opposition to
the proposal for Arbitration Courts. Arbitration as a means of diminishing the
curse of litigation has been advocated by the Congress and the only difference
now is that instead of asking for it from an alien Government which fattens upon
the very litigation that impoverishes us, we resolve to establish it for
ourselves. We fear, however, that there may be serious difficulty in getting the
all-important proposal of self-protection accepted. The attitude of the Moderate
leaders in the Comilla matter was of evil omen.
We hope nevertheless that the
delegates of the new school will strain every nerve to get these necessary items
added to the working programme for the year. By choosing a place where the New
Spirit has not made headway and by fixing a date which will make it difficult
for the East Bengal
delegates to arrive in time, the managers of the Conference will probably have secured
a large Moderate majority. We are not sorry that this should be so; for it will
give us an opportunity of observing how the advantage gained by this tactical
trickery will be used. The present Confer-
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ence
will decide whether the two parties can still hope to work together on the basis
of the compromise arrived at in December, or whether, as in Japan, a determined
fight for the possession of the national mind and guidance of national action is
to precede the great work of emancipation. We shall willingly accept either
alternative. If we can work together the work will be more rapid in the
beginning and smoother; if, on the contrary, we have to settle our differences
first, the work will be more energetic and more rapid in the end. Whatever the
result, the forward party stands to win.
Bande
Mataram, March 29, 1907
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