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The Situation in
East Bengal
WHILE
commenting on the proceedings of the Berhampur Conference, we expressed our
opinion that the leaders had been guilty of the most serious deficiency in
statesmanship and courage in failing to understand and meet the situation
created by the occurrences in Tipperah. Leadership in this country has hitherto
gone with the fluent tongue, the sonorous voice, skill in dialectics and acute
adroitness in legal draftsmanship. The leader has not been called upon to
understand the great and urgent national needs or to meet the calls of a
dangerous crisis. In the opposition-cum- cooperation theory these were functions
of the alien Government, and the only duty of the popular leaders was to advise
or remonstrate and look on at the results. The present position in Bengal is
full of the uncertainty and confusion of a transition period when circumstances
have changed and demand new qualities, new ideas and a new spirit in the
people's chiefs; but the leadership still remains in the hands of the old type
of politicians. This would not have mattered if the old leaders had been men
of genius gifted with the adaptability to suit themselves to the new
circumstances, -- the vision to grasp them and the courage to act. But none of
these qualities seems to be possessed either by Babu Surendranath, the one man
of genius among the older leaders, or by Mr. Gokhale, the one man of real
political ability, -- much less by the
lesser heads. The country has still to seek for leaders who shall be worthy of
the new age.
The Comilla affair has revealed beyond all possible doubt the heart of the new
situation. It ought now to be plain to the meanest intelligence that a struggle
has begun between two great forces which must go on till one or the other is
crushed or driven to surrender. Any attempt to disguise the fact is the merest
futility. Our Moderate leaders thought when Fuller had been driven out of the
country and Morley had taken up the reins of
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Government, the struggle need no longer be a struggle and could again be reduced
to the proportions of a public debate between the Congress and the Government.
Now again, they thought, a pleasant reversion to the old opposition-cum-cooperation
politics may be gradually engineered. But the forces of reaction, opposed to
us, understand politics better; they have seen that the fire of the new spirit
is not a momentary blaze to be kindled and quenched at the will of individuals,
but the beginning of an immense conflagration. Their policy is as astute as
might be expected in such past masters of the art of politics. It is evidently
to isolate the struggle and fight it out in East Bengal; to oppose and put down
the new spirit after it had taken hold of the whole nation would be a task so
difficult as to be a practical impossibility; to meet it in a single part of
the country and crush it before it had time to spread effectively over all
India, is obviously the wisest course. It is part of the policy also to attack
it by localities even in the affected area and not as a whole, to destroy it
before the defence has organised itself; and to use as instruments the
Sallimullahi sect of Mahomedans, while the Police confine themselves to
keeping the ring.
The leaders may say that they thought the Comilla incident an unwelcome and
deplorable outbreak which had happily been closed whether by the
"secret" efforts of Babu Surendranath Banerji or by other less
miraculous means. That they did think so, is probable and nothing could more
damningly convict them of want of insight and even the smallest measure of
political wisdom than such an inexcusable blunder. It was perfectly obvious
that, as Comilla had not been the first incident of the kind, so also it would
not be the last. Before the Conference met the disturbance at Mogra Hat was
already in full course; and that details, reported in Babu Surendranath
Banerji's own paper, were of the most glaringly unmistakable character. At
Comilla there had been an outbreak of anti-national hooliganism coincident with
the Nawab's visit; the authorities had practically refused to help the Hindus
and had only interfered when the Hindus were getting the upper hand; and even
then, the arrest and punishment of a few rioters was so casually and lightly
done as to be absolutely
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useless for
any deterrent effect while the might of the bureaucracy was centred upon the
prosecution of alleged Hindu culprits in the shooting case.
Nevertheless, the Comilla incident ended in a national victory. At
Mogra Hat
measures were taken to prevent a repetition of that victory. A Mahomedan
Police official seems to have acted practically as the captain of the rioters;
the Subdivisional Officer tried to deprive the Hindus of the means of self-defence; attempts were made to prevent organisation of defence by volunteers; a
Police force held the station to exclude help from outside for the Hindus,
leaving the Mahomedan rioters a clear field for their operations. Finally when
in spite of all these obstructions the Hindus were again getting the upper hand,
the higher authorities appeared on the scene, the disturbance was quelled, and
arrests and prosecutions of Hindus are now in full swing. This is the substance
of the account given by the correspondents of the Bengalee and the Patrika, and not yet denied. If after this the leaders are still unable to understand
the situation, the sooner they give up their leadership and attend to their
spiritual salvation, the better for themselves and the country.
The situation in East Bengal puts three important questions to any intelligent
leadership. Is East Bengal to be left alone to fight out the battle of
nationalism while the rest of the country looks calmly on? Is reaction to be
allowed to persecute local and disorganised forces of nationalism or is mutual
defence to be organised? What measures are to be taken to prevent the efforts of
the officials to give the matter the appearance of a Hindu-Mahomedan quarrel?
What answer have the leaders to give to these questions? At Berhampur two
measures only were taken, -- an empty and halting Resolution of
"sympathy" and a flamboyant call for a Defence Fund, to be utilised
for we know not what purpose. It is not money that East Bengal needs, but
practical assistance, guidance and leadership. These the leaders have proved
themselves unable or unwilling to give. They will say perhaps that they have
secured the "sympathy" of Lord Minto as well as of the Conference, and
nothing further is necessary! It does not matter a jot whether the local
officials are or are not acting on their own initiative in their singular
attitude in
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East Bengal. The sympathy of Lord Minto has not prevented the repetition of the
disturbances, and we have no confidence
that it will prevent further repetitions which are now threatening. For
effectiveness it seems to be on a par with the sympathy of the Berhampur
Conference. The people can expect no protection from the alien bureaucracy which
is interested in the extinction of nationalism. They can expect, it appears,
neither help nor guidance from their own leaders. They are left alone to find
out their own salvation. Be it so, then. Ourselves we will protect ourselves:
unled and unassisted pave for the country its hope and its future.
Bande Mataram, April 11, 1907
The
Proverbial Offspring
The great Mr. Morley has received the Viceroy's dispatch on the question of
widening the powers of the Legislative Council. It is long and important and
requires his mature consideration, and he cannot therefore have it discussed in
the Parliament. It has been prepared in secret, will be matured in secret, and
then the official Minerva will see the light of the day and panoply. It will be
born a settled fact. Rejoice ye Moderates, the millennium is drawing nigh. The
heart of Mr. Gokhale must be beating a little faster in anxious expectation. The
tiresome voyages across the seas, his fervent appeals to the British public by
day, and his luminous conversations with Mr. Morley by night, are about to bear
fruit. The mountain is in labour and will in due course produce the proverbial offspring.
Bande Mataram, April 12, 1907
By The Way
Adversity brings us strange bedfellows, says the poet, but surely it never
played as strange a freak as when it brought Babu Surendranath Banerji and Mr.
N.N. Ghose under the same political counterpane. Time was when the cryptic
sneering self-
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worshipper of
Metropolitan College and the flamboyant, brazen-throated Tribune of the people
were polls apart in their politics. The Tribune ignored with a splendid
scorn the armchair prosings of the Cynic and the unsuccessful Cynic was always
digging his fang of cultured envy into the successful Tribune. How all has
changed! Adversity has come upon both; the floods of extremism are washing
over the political world; and the literary recluse who would fain pose as a
politician holds out his arm of succour from the select. little Ararat to the
great man in difficulties. The mouse protecting the lion and Mr. N. N. Ghose
championing the great Surendranath against the attacks of Extremists form
companion pictures in freaks of natural history. Whatever else Babu Surendranath may be, he is a great man, an orator, a genius, a personality which
will live in history. And for him to be protected by Mr. N. N. Ghose! Really,
really! Of all the humiliations to have recently overtaken our famous Tribune,
this is surely the worst.
*
If Mr. N. N. Ghose reminds us of the mouse that saved the lion, he still more
forcibly recalls Satan reproving sin. We cull a few choice epithets from this
gentle and cultured critic in which he described the new party with his usual
sweet and courteous reasonableness. "The men who glorify themselves and
singularly enough are glorified by others." "The new school has
scarcely anything to distinguish itself except scurrility and
factiousness." "Its politics are of the do-nothing sort."
"It is moved by the dog-in-the-manger spirit." "It seeks to
thrust itself into notoriety by abusing prominent men." "In the new school
personal malice often did duty for patriotism." It is amazing with what
accuracy the sentences characterise the political attitude of Mr. N. N. Ghose
through all the years that he has been trying in vain to get the country to take
him seriously as a politician. Irresponsible,
captious criticism, abuse of everyone more successful than himself, a
do-nothing, fault-finding, factious dog-in-the-manger spirit, self-glorification
as the one wise man in India, -- this is the compound labelled Mr. N. N. Ghose. Surely, those whom he now turns round to rend may well
cry, "Physician, heal thyself."
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We can well understand why he has transferred his attentions from Babu
Surendranath to the new party. Envy of others' success is the Alpha and Omega of
Mr. N. N. Ghose's politics. When the new party was still struggling for
recognition, he extended to it a sort of contemptuous patronage; now that it is
recognised as a force he cannot contain his bitterness and venom.
*
Mr. Ghose is in raptures over Rai Srinath Pal Bahadur's pompous and wordy
address -- the Rai Bahadur was not successful in commanding approval and respect
by the speech, so our only N. N. stands forth as his solitary admirer. Sj.
Deepnarain's splendid address revealed a new personality in our midst, -- a man
with a brain and a heart, not a cold and shallow joiner of choice literary
sentences; it commanded the admiration of all Bengal without distinction of
parties. After that it was inevitable that Mr. N. N. Ghose should be unable to
find in it anything but words. Again we see the ruling passion at work.
*
But Mr. Ghose has another cause of quarrel with Srijut Deepnarain. Has he not
dared to talk of the recent birth of Indian Nationalism in Bengal? What can he
mean? Has not Mr. Ghose been editing the Indian Nation for years past?
What then is this new Indian Nation of which Mr. N. N. Ghose knows nothing or
this new nationalism which for the life of him Mr. N. N. Ghose cannot
understand? Quite right, O sapient critic! Before you can understand it you must
change your nature and get what you never possessed -- a heart that can
feel for the sufferings of your fellow countrymen and beat higher at the prospect of making great sacrifices and facing strong perils for their deliverance.
*
We are really struck by the infinite capacity for not understanding which Mr.
Ghose possesses. This is his idea of the new
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politics.
"They have nothing to do. As they mean to ignore the Government, they will
not discuss its measures or care to suggest reforms. They are waiting for that
political millennium, Swaraj. When Swaraj comes, they will assume functions; in
the meantime they must only preach and abuse. A comfortable programme of
patriotism." Hardly so comfortable as the armchair from which do-nothing
critics criticise do-nothingness. Whether the new school is doing something or
nothing, is not for him to judge but for the future. He thinks that national
schools and colleges are nothing, that the boycott is worse than nothing, that
to awake a new heart and a new spirit in a great and fallen nation is nothing;
that to restore the habit of self-dependence and self-defence is nothing. What
then is something in the eyes of this great man of action? To do something is to
discuss Government measures and "suggest" reforms. We are overwhelmed!
We can only apostrophise the editor of the Nation as the Greek General apostrophised his victorious adversary, "O thou man of mighty activity!
"
Bande Mataram, April 12, 1907
By The Way
An old and venerable friend of our old and venerable friend the Indian
Mirror, weeps bitter tears over Raja Subodh Mallik. Subodh Mallik is a
large-hearted and generous man, laments our friend's friend; but he is doing
immense harm to himself and his country. Is he not partly responsible for the
publication of that pernicious sheet, Bande Mataram, which attacks old
and venerable gentlemen and old and venerable journals and refuses to regard
politics as a school for society manners? Has he not given a lakh of rupees to
the National Council -- an institution for
which the Indian Mirror cherishes a lively want of sympathy? We call on
the young gentleman to repent of his sins, fall weeping on the capacious bosom
of the Indian Mirror and devote the rest of his possessions to founding a
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to obsolete papers and out-of-date
politicians.
We will admit that much that was said and done at Berham-
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pur on both sides was petulant and wanting in dignity. But was it worse than
what happens in European Parliaments and political meetings when men are
heated by conflict and passions run high? We trow not. Let us try to be
perfectly courteous and superior to other nations by all means; but if we
cannot, there is no reason for disingenuous concealment and a mere Pharisaic pretence
of superiority. The Japanese have an excellent habit of
keeping anger out of their speech and reserving all their strength for acts;
they will express their disapproval of you with great plainness, indeed, but
also with wonderful calmness and politeness. The Samurai used to rip up his
enemy very mercilessly, but also very politely; he did it as a duty, not out of
passion. But of our emotional, sentimental race, so long. accustomed to find its
outlet in speech, nothing so heroic can be expected.
*
Still we think the young men of the New Party would do well to follow the
example of the Japanese as far as possible. We should be absolutely unsparing in
our attack on whatever obstructs the growth of the nation, and never be afraid to call a spade a spade.
Excessive good nature, chakshu lajja (the desire to be always pleasant
and polite), will. never do in serious politics. Respect of persons must always
give place to truth and conscience; and the demand that we should be silent
because of the age or past services of our opponents, is politically immoral and
unsound. Open attack, unsparing criticism, the severest satire, the most
wounding irony, are all methods perfectly justifiable and indispensable in
politics. We have strong things to say; let us say them strongly; we have stern
things to do; let us do them sternly. But there is always a danger of strength
degenerating into violence and sternness into ferocity, and that should be
avoided so far as it is humanly possible.
*
Babu Bhupendranath Bose got little by his attempt to frown
down the Government of Bengal in their own den over the bu-
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reaucratic temper of their replies to his interpolations. It is to be feared
that the Government have little appreciation for the opposition-cum-cooperation
gospel which their loyal subject not only preaches but practises with such
fidelity and vigour. They like their water without salutary bitters. Babu Bhupendranath, however, insists on dealing with Sir Andrew Fraser like a
father, and when he makes wry faces at the medicine, treats him to a painful and
public spanking, -- whereupon Sir Andrew
responds with a backhander in Bhupen Babu's fatherly face. The whole affair was
most exquisitely ludicrous and futile, but Sir Andrew's was a nasty and stinging
backhander!
"The Hon'ble member himself has not infrequently, either on my invitation
or of his own motion, discussed with me privately the propriety or wisdom of
certain courses of action which he has followed. I have frankly given him my
advice. He has sometimes taken it and he has sometimes rejected it. I should
have considered it a grave
breach of confidence, if, in either case, he had
published it and had attributed his line of action to me."
So it appears that often when we have been hanging on the wise words of the
popular and democratic leader, the influential adviser of Surendranath, the
secret dictator of the Moderate caucus, it was really the Lieutenant-Governor of
Bengal to whom we listened and by whose counsel we were guided. The voice was
the voice of Bhupen, but the thought was the thought of Andrew. These be thy
gods, O Israel!
Bande Mataram, April
13, 1907
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