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British Justice
THERE
has been much to edify and instruct in the recent antics of the
bureaucracy and, in the light of the object lessons they present, the people of
India have been revising old ideas and out-worn superstitions with a healthy
rapidity. The belief in British liberalism, in the freedom of the Press, in the
freedom of the platform, in the Pax Britannica, in the political honesty of Mr.
John Morley and many other cherished shibboleths have departed into the limbo of
forgotten follies. But the greatest fall of all has been the fall of the belief
in the imperturbable impartiality of British justice. There are two kinds of
strain which no empire, however firmly bound in triple and quadruple bands of
steel, can long bear; the strain of a burden of taxation which the people no
longer find bearable and the strain of a series of perversions of justice which
destroy all faith in the motives of the governing authorities. Justice and
protection between man and man, between community and community, between rulers
and ruled is the main object for which States exist, for which men submit to the
restrictions of the law and to an equitable assessment of the expenses of the
machinery which provides for protection and justice. But if the assessment of
the expenses is grossly unjust, if the expenses themselves are exorbitantly
high, if the revenue is spent on ways of which the taxpayers do not approve,
then protection and justice are bought at a price which is not worth paying. And
if in addition the protection is denied and the justice withheld, then the very
object of the existence of a State ceases to be satisfied and from that moment
the governing power, unless it can retrace its steps, is doomed by the
inevitable operation of nature.
The bureaucrats who misgovern us at the present moment have totally
forgotten these simple truths. Otherwise we would not have witnessed such
scandalous scenes as are now being enacted at Rawalpindi or the gross
infringements of equity and justice
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which
are of frequent occurrence in Bengal. The amazing incidents of the Rawalpindi
riot case are such as have hardly been paralleled in British India. The refusal
of bail, which was the first scandal, has evidently become a part of
bureaucratic policy. It is a sound principle of procedure that bail should not
be refused except under exceptional conditions, such as the probability of the
accused absconding; otherwise in a protracted case an innocent man may suffer
seriously for the sole offence of being accused. In the Rawalpindi case there
was not the least possibility of men like Lala Hansraj, Gurdas Ram or Janaki
Nath absconding from justice and the apprehension of further riots in a city
commanded by siege-guns and crowded with military was a contemptible and hollow
pretence. Yet without hearing the case, on the mere statement of the prosecuting
officials, the Chief Court of the Punjab, supposed to be the highest repository
of impartial British Justice, prejudged the accused, declared them guilty and
refused bail. This is British law and British justice! Again in the course of
the present trial, although it was proved beyond dispute that the prisoners were
suffering terribly in health as the result of a detention in which they are
being deliberately subjected to unnecessary discomfort and privation, although,
if
there was ever any shadow of justification for the refusal of bail, even that
shadow had by this time utterly vanished; yet on the strength of the airy
persiflage of a Civil Surgeon, the relief to which they were entitled was
refused. This gentleman held the view that the sufferings of the accused were
not due to their detention and seems to be of the opinion that men of means and
gentle nurture are rather in the habit of shedding several pounds of flesh off
and on without apparent cause. And so the unfortunate martyrs, for the crime of
being patriots, are punished with a long term of imprisonment before any offence
has been proved against them. This too is British law and British justice. From
the point of view of the executive it may no doubt be said that since the
accused have to be punished whether they are guilty or innocent, it does not
much matter whether their punishment begins before or after their conviction.
That is good reasoning from the point of view of a bureaucratic executive, but
not from that of a judicial authority. The refusal of bail to the Rawalpindi
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pleaders
is one of the most deadly of the many wounds which the bureaucracy have been
recently dealing to their own moral prestige and reputation for justice. The
same spirit has been shown in the refusal of bail to Pindi Das, editor of
India,
and to Lala Dinanath of the Hindustan. In the latter case there is
absolutely no excuse whatever for the refusal, except the vindictive fury of
bureaucratic persecution which will omit no means however petty and base to make
its opponents suffer.
But the most glaringly, paradoxically unsound case of all has occurred in
our own midst: Srijut Girindranath Sen received at the hands of British justice
a sentence of monstrous severity for a trifling offence. This same British
justice, being moved to set aside the conviction and sentence, was graciously
pleased to give the accused a chance of disproving the offence, but at the same
time, in the plenitude of its justice and wisdom, refused to give him bail. In
other words it admitted that the accused might be innocent, but at the same time
decided that he must undergo a monstrously disproportionate punishment for a
trifling offence of which it was admittedly doubtful whether he ever committed
it! And then when the punishment had been served out, British justice lent a
gracious and leisurely ear and admitted that this Swadeshi Volunteer Captain was
very probably innocent, but as he had suffered punishment for his innocence, it
was not necessary to go any further into the matter. This too is British law and
British justice. If all this does not convince the Indian people that the
British sense of justice is most marvellous and unique and sui generis and
without any peer or parallel in the world, it must indeed be hard-hearted and
dull of soul. For our part we are ready to acclaim British justice with hymns of
adoration and praise. Hail, thou ineffable, incomprehensible, indescribable,
unspeakable British Justice! Hail, thou transcendent mystery,
tubhyam bhûyisthâm
nama uktim vidhema.
The
Moral of the Coconada Strike
That
the weapon of passive resistance is sometimes a match even for sword and
bayonet, not to speak of milder instruments of
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repression,
is being evidenced in the strike of the shipping coolies at Coconada. We may
have to resort to this means of protest for some time to come until the
Britishers so far forget themselves as to begin firing on strikers and
boycotters —
a contingency for which the country should now learn to be prepared. If the
despot still entertains some doubt as to the working of the time-spirit, it
should be set to rest by the instinctive resort of the Coconada coolies to a
wholesale strike as an effective protest against the arrest of some of their own
people for alleged participation in a riot. The drafting of the military and the
punitive police to the locality has perhaps strengthened their firmness. The Englishman while alarmed at this unexpected combination among the lower class,
hopes that the strike is not political in its character. This comfortable
deduction has provoked a sort of subdued laughter from the Madras Hindu. Events
alone make men wise. The opinion that is today punished and ridiculed as mere
heresy, has its ratification tomorrow in experience. Our moderate contemporary
now sees eye to eye with the Nationalists when it says: "If once the lower
classes of the people begin to know and feel their real strength and power, it
will be difficult to predict the results that would follow. No prudent
administrator would, in our opinion, tempt the bringing into play of the
capacity for combination which the lower strata of people have. They cannot be
cowed down into submission with half the ease and celerity with which the
educated classes can be brought down by the display of military strength."
The whole plan of Nationalist campaign rests on the basis of this potential
strength of the people which does not require for its re-awakening years of
mass education as is contended by the Moderates, but only tangible instances of
bureaucratic high-handedness. Education in the ordinarily accepted sense is not
a very effective means of national regeneration, as the Hindu itself
admits. The responsiveness of untampered and unsophisticated nature, its want of
calculation and its speedy decision have to be turned to advantage.
Thus the Coconada strike comes handy with its moral to dispel another of
our superstitions.
*
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While
Mr. John Morley was being cross-examined by the Nationalist and Labour members
in Parliament and was answering in his usual style of Demigod plus Aristides
the just plus Louis XIV of France plus the Archangel Gabriel, the
tiger qualities of an imperial race suddenly awoke in the breast of Sir Howard
Vincent and roared out "Why not shoot Lajpat Rai?" In that single
trenchant sentence the war-like Knight gave a sudden illuminating expression to
the heart's desire of all Anglo-India and two-thirds of England. It was not
decorous, it was not politic, but it was frank and sincere. Yesterday the Friend
of India noticed the incident with great sympathy for Sir Howard Vincent's
feelings, but it could not altogether approve of applying his panacea just at
present. The Friend, however, looks forward to a day when the shooting
will begin; it invites the attention of the Indian reactionaries — whoever
they may be — to this blood-curdling Howard Vincent war-whoop and warns them
that this is the prospect before them if a Tory Government comes into power
while the present unrest continues. By its Indian reactionaries the Friend probably
means not Nawab Salimullah and the Mihir Sudhakar, but the Democratic
Nationalist Party in India; for the Friendly language must be usually
interpreted by contraries, and it is quite natural for one who calls the Statesman
a friend of India to call democracy and nationalism reactionary. Let us
assure the Friend however that the Nationalist Party have from the
beginning envisaged the possibility of the shooting being started; they did not
need a Howard Vincent to open their eyes to it. The defenders of the established
order of things have attempted almost every form of Russian repression except
the taking of life. Deportation, condemnation without trial, punishment before
conviction, flogging, the gagging of press and platform, police hooliganism, the
employment of a Black Hundred, brutal personal persecution in jail and Hajat,
have all been attempted though not as yet on the Russian scale. When all these
methods have been found ineffective, it is quite possible that the order,
"do not hesitate to shoot" may go out; already in the Punjab the
threat has been used to prevent public
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meetings. The Friend of India is greatly mistaken if he
thinks that his menaces will have any better effect than his abuse and cajolings;
it is a wild dream for him to hope that any power can make Indian Nationalism
fall down and kiss the feet of Archangel John.
Bande
Mataram,
June 21, 1907
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