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The Power that Uplifts
OF
ALL
the great actors who were in the
forefront of the Italian Revolution, Mazzini and Cavour were
the most essential to Italian regeneration. Of the two Mazzini
was undoubtedly the greater. Cavour was the statesman and
organiser, Mazzini the prophet and creator. Mazzini was busy
with the great and eternal ideas which move masses of men in all
countries and various ages, Cavour with the temporary needs
and circumstances of modern Italy. The one was an acute brain,
the other a mighty soul. Cavour belongs to Italy, Mazzini to all
humanity. Cavour was the man of the hour, Mazzini is the
citizen of Eternity. But the work of Mazzini could not have
been immediately crowned with success if there had been no
Cavour. The work of Cavour would equally have been impossible but for Mazzini. Mazzini summed up the soul of all humanity, the idea of its past and the inspiration of its future in
Italian forms and gave life to the dead. At his breath the dead bones clothed
themselves with flesh and the wilderness of poisonous brambles blossomed with the rose. Mazzini found Italy
corrupt, demoralised, treacherous, immoral, selfish, wholly
divided and incapable of union; he gave her the impulse of a
mighty hope, a lofty spirituality, an intellectual impulse which
despising sophistry and misleading detail went straight to the
core of things and fastened on the one or two necessities, an ideal
to live and die for and the strength to live and die for it. This
was all he did, but it was enough. Cavour brought the old Italian
statesmanship, diplomacy, practicality and placed it at the service of the great ideal of liberty and unity which Mazzini had
made the overmastering passion of the millions. Yet these two
deliverers and lovers of Italy never understood each other.
Mazzini hated Cavour as a dishonest trickster and Machiavellian, Cavour scorned Mazzini as a fanatic and dangerous firebrand. It is easy to assign superficial and obvious causes for the
undying misunderstanding and to say that the monarchist and
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practical statesman and the Utopian and democrat were bound to
misunderstand and perpetually distrust and dislike each other.
But there was a deeper cause.
The one thing which Mazzini most hated and from which
he strove to deliver the hearts and imaginations of the young men
of Italy was what he summed up in the word Machiavellianism.
The Machiavellian is the man of pure intellect without imagination who, while not intellectually dead to great objects, does not
make them an ideal but regards them from the point of view of
concrete interests and is prepared to use in effecting them every
means which can be suggested by human cunning or put into
motion by unscrupulous force. Italian patriotism previous to the
advent of Mazzini was cast in this Machiavellian mould. The
Carbonari movement which was Italy's first attempt to live
was permeated with it. Mazzini lifted up the country from this
low and ineffective level and gave it the only force which can
justify the hope of revival, the force of the spirit within, the strength to
disregard immediate interests and surrounding circumstances and, carried away by
the passion for an ideal, trusting oneself to the impetus and increasing velocity of the force it
creates, to scorn ideas of impossibility and improbability and to
fling life, goods and happiness away on the cast of dice already clogged against
one by adverse Fortune and unfavourable circumstance. The spiritual force within not only creates the future
but creates the materials for the future. It is not limited to the
existing materials either in their nature or in their quantity.
It can transform bad material into good material, insufficient
means into abundant means. It was a deep consciousness of this
great truth that gave Mazzini the strength to create modern Italy.
His eyes were always fixed on the mind and heart of the nation,
very little on the external or internal circumstances of Italy. He
was not a statesman but he had a more than statesmanlike
insight. His plan of a series of petty, local and necessarily abortive insurrections strikes the ordinary practical man as the very
negation of common sense and political wisdom. It seems almost
as futile as the idea of some wild brains, if indeed the idea be
really cherished, that by random assassinations the freedom of
this country can be vindicated. There is, however, a radical
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difference. Mazzini knew well what he was about. His eyes were
fixed on the heart of the nation and as the physician of the
Italian malady his business was not with the ultimate and perfect
result but with the creation of conditions favourable to complete
cure and resurgence. He knew final success was impossible without the creation of a force that could not be commanded for
sometime to come. But he also knew that even that force could
not succeed without a great spiritual and moral strength behind
its action and informing its aspirations. It was this strength
that he sought to create. The spiritual force he created by the
promulgation of the mighty and uplifting ideas which pervade
his writings and of which Young Italy was the organ. But moral
force cannot be confirmed merely by ideas, it can only be forged
and tempered in the workshop of action. And it was the habit of
action, the habit of strength, daring and initiative which Mazzini
sought to recreate in the torpid heart and sluggish limbs of
Italy. And with it he sought to establish the sublime Roman
spirit of utter self-sacrifice and self-abnegation, contempt of
difficulty and apparent impossibility and iron insensibility to
defeat. For his purpose the very hopelessness of the enterprises
he set on foot was more favourable than more possible essays.
And when others and sometimes his own heart reproached him
with flinging away so many young and promising lives into the
bloody trench of his petty yet impossible endeavours, the faith and wisdom in
him upheld him in the face of every discouragement. Because he had that
superhuman strength, he was permitted to uplift Italy. Had it been God's purpose that Italy
should become swiftly one of the greater European powers, he
would have been permitted to free her also. He would have done
it in a different way from Cavour's, — after a much longer lapse
of time, with a much more terrible and bloody expense of human
life but without purchasing Italy's freedom in the French market
by the bribe of Savoy and Nice and with such a divine output of
spiritual and moral force as would have sustained his country
for centuries and fulfilled his grandiose dream of an Italy spiritually, intellectually and politically leading Europe.
The work was given to Cavour precisely because he was a
lesser man. Mazzini saw in him the revival of Machiavellianism
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and the frustration of his own moral work. He was wrong, but
not wholly wrong. The temper and methods of Cavour were
predominatingly Machiavellian. He resumed that element in
Italian character and gave it a triumphant expression. Like the
Carbonari he weighed forces, gave a high place to concrete material interests, attempted great but not impossible objects and by
means which were bold but not heroic, used diplomacy, temporising and shuffling with a force of which they were incapable and
unlike them did not shrink from material sacrifices. He succeeded where they failed, not merely because he was a great
statesman, but because he had learnt to cherish the unity and
freedom of Italy not as mere national interests but as engrossing
ideals. The passion greater than a man's love for child and wife
which he put into these aspirations and the emotional fervour
with which he invested his Liberal ideal of a free Church in a free
State, measure the spiritual gulf between himself and the purely
Machiavellian Carbonari. It was this that gave him the force
to attempt greatly and to cast all on the hazard of a single die.
He had therefore the inspiration of a part of the Mazzinian
gospel and he used the force which Mazzini created. Without
it he would have been helpless. It was not Cavour who saved
Italy, it was the force of resurgent Italy working through
Cavour. History often misrepresents and it formerly represented
the later part of the Revolution as entirely engineered by his statecraft, but it is now recognised that more than once in the greatest
matters Cavour planned one way and the great Artificer of nations planned in another. But Cavour had the greatest gift of a
statesman, to recognise that events were wiser than himself
and throwing aside his attachment to the success of his own
schemes to see and use the advantages of a situation he had not
foreseen. This gift Mazzini, the fanatic and doctrinaire, almost
entirely lacked. Still the success of Cavour prolonged in the
Italian character and political action some of the lower qualities
of the long-enslaved nation and is responsible for the reverses, retardations, and deep-seated maladies which keep back
Italy from the fulfilment of her greatness. Mazzini, with his
superior diagnosis of the national disease and his surgeon's
pitilessness, would have probed deeper, intensified and pro-
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longed the agony but made a radical cure.
The circumstances in India forbid the use of the same means
as the Italians used. But the general psychological laws which
govern nations in their rise, greatness, decline and resurgence are
always the same. The freedom we seek in India may be different
in its circumstances from Italian freedom, the means to be used
are certainly different, but the principle is the same. The old
patriotism of the nineteenth century in India was petty, unscrupulous, weak, full of insincerities, concealment, shufflings, concerned
with small material interests, not with great ideals, though not
averse to looking intellectually and from far-off at great objects.
It had neither inspiration nor truth nor statesmanship. Nationalism has done part of the work of a Mazzini by awakening a great
spiritual force in the country and giving the new generation great
ideals, a wide horizon of hope and aspiration, an intense faith
and energy. It has sought like Mazzini to raise up the moral
condition of the nation to the height of love, strength, self-sacrifice, constancy under defeat, unwearied and undaunted perseverance, the habit of individual and organised action, self-reliance and indomitable enterprise; but it has rejected the old
methods of insurrectionary violence and replaced them by self-help and passive resistance. That work is not yet complete and
only when it is complete will it be possible for a strength to be
generated in the country which the past represented by the
bureaucracy will consent to recognise as the representative of
the future and to abdicate in its favour by a gradual cessation of powers. It is
our hope that as the work has begun, so it will continue in the spirit of
Nationalism and not only the political circumstances of India be changed but her deeper disease be cured
and by a full evocation of her immense stores of moral and spiritual strength that be accomplished for India which Mazzini
could not accomplish for Italy, to place her in the head and forefront of the new world whose birth-throes are now beginning
to convulse the Earth.
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