The Alipur Judgment
THE
judgment of the Appeal Court in the Alipur Case
has resulted in the reduction of sentences to a greater or less extent in all
but two notable instances, and on the other hand, the maintenance of the
finding of the Lower Court in all but six cases, on five of which there is a
difference of opinion between the Chief Justice and Justice Carnduff. So long as these cases are still sub judice, we reserve our general comments on the
trial. At present we can only offer a few remarks on special features of the
judgment. The acquittal of the Maratha, Hari Balkrishna Kane,
must give universal satisfaction, as his conviction in the absence of any
evidence in the least establishing his guilt would have been a gross
miscarriage of justice. The rejection of Section 121 and the consequent
elimination of the death sentences is also a result on which the Government and
the country may both be congratulated. Even in the case of actual political
assassins the infliction of the death sentences, however legally justifiable,
is bad policy. Death sentences for political crimes only provide martyrs to a
revolutionary cause, nerve the violent to fresh acts of vengeance and
terrorism, and create through the liberation of the spirits of the dead men a
psychical force making for further unrest and those passions of political
revolt and fierceness to which they were attached in life. The prolongation of
terrorism is undesirable in the interests of the country; for, so long as young
men are attached to these methods of violence, the efforts of a more orderly
though not less strenuous Nationalism to organise and spread itself must be
seriously hampered. We are glad to note that the Chief Justice has in no
case condemned and accused on the evidence of the watch-witnesses alone. Such
evidence is always suspect in the eyes of the people of this country and the
gross blunders, if they were no worse, committed by several of the police
witnesses in this case deprive their identifications of all evidential value.
Once the confessions were admitted as entirely voluntary and entirely true,
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the
fate of the confessing prisoners and of those directly implicated by them as
active members of the society was a foregone conclusion. The conviction of an
accused on such a serious charge when there is no clear incriminating evidence
against him except the confessions of others, is no doubt permissible under
ordinary jurisprudence when these confessions create a moral certainty in the
mind of the judge; but if this rule
sometimes prevents the escape of the guilty, it not seldom lends itself to the
punishment of the innocent. Of more importance, however, and the one serious
flaw we are disposed to find in the Chief Justice's judgment, is the
exaggerated importance attached to familiarity and intimacy between the leaders
of the conspiracy and those whose guilt was open to doubt. When there is a
secret conspiracy, it is inevitable that there should be numbers of men
intimately associated with the members, perhaps even co-operating with them in
surface political action, who are yet in entire ignorance of the close and
dangerous proceedings of their friends. It was a recognition of this obvious
fact that largely governed Mr. Beachcroft's
findings; but we cannot help feeling that
neither he nor the Appeal Court, ignorant, like all Englishmen, of the actual
workings of the National Movement, have given sufficient weight to this
consideration. As a result, the benefit of the doubt has not been extended
where it should have been extended. Already it was a general conviction in the
public mind that one innocent man had been convicted and succumbed to the
rigours of jail life, while two are hopelessly condemned to the brutal and brutifying punishments by which European society
avenges itself on the breakers of its laws, — we refer to the Kabiraj brothers found by Mr. Beachcroft to be innocent of conspiracy and
therefore presumably innocent tools of conspirators. There is an uneasy sense
that some at least have been added to the list by the judgment in appeal. Even
if it be so, however, the judges have done their best, and the European legal
system has always been a lottery by which it is easy, without any fault on the
part of the judge, for the guilty to escape and the innocent to suffer. It is
perhaps one of the necessary risks of joining in Nationalist movements to be
liable to be confounded in one fate with secret conspirators who happen to be
associates in social or legi-
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timate political relations, and when the C.I.D. throws its nets with a generous wideness, we ought not to whine if such accidents
bring us into the meshes. The State must be preserved at any cost. In any case,
the whole country must be grateful to Sir Lawrence Jenkins
for the courtesy, patience and fairness with which he has heard the case and
given every facility to the defence, an attitude which might with advantage be
copied by certain civilian judges in and outside the High Court and even by
certain Judges, not civilians, in other provinces.
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